Rosati.polpsych.isacompend.2010

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Political Psychology, Cognition, and Foreign PolicyAnalysis

Jerel Rosati and Colleen E. Miller

Subject International Studies Foreign Policy AnalysisPsychology Political Psychology

ey!"o#ics decision $a%ing , interdisci#linary research

&'I( )*.))))+b. - )///0012 -.3*)*.4

Co$$ent on this article

Introduction

The last few decades have witnessed major developments and scholarly advances inunderstanding the dynamics of cognition. This scholarship reflects an explosion in the literatureon cognition over the last decade in the fields of psychology, political science, and political

psychology; hence, a need for it to be reviewed and integrated within the larger study of foreign policy and international relations. Yet, the literature has become so large and extensive that acomprehensive review of the vast body of cognitive-oriented scholarship in foreign policyaccumulated over the years makes it a very difficult if not virtually impossible undertaking see!osati "##$ %.

&n an article published in International Studies Review , !osati "###% reviewed the literature onhuman cognition and policy-maker beliefs, especially as applied to the study of foreign policyand world politics. This essay is intended to be read as a supplement to the "### ISR article to seeto what extent progress has been made toward a new generation of scholarship.

The two articles can be recapped as follows. The first !osati "### % cites and reviews theliterature extensively in terms of how beliefs and cognition matter for foreign policy and world

politics. 'e found that upon reviewing and citing the literature, a major contribution has beenmade in five basic(substantive(theoretical ways or patterns%) *% through the content of policy-maker beliefs; "% through the organi+ation and structure of policy-maker beliefs; % throughcommon patterns of perception and misperception; $% through cognitive rigidity and flexibility;

and % through its impact on policy.

This essay serves as a supplement to the previous one, focusing on the evolution of the study of political psychology and cognition and addressing to what extent contemporary literature hasmoved things forward, resulting in a new generation. ur answer is that it has not; that it is forthe most part a continuation and fine tuning of the research reviewed in the "### ISR article./ence, the essay recommends that six things need to occur to result in a real new generation ofscholarship.
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This essay takes a complimentary but different approach to the literature from the !osati "###% article. &t does not simply update works of literatures that have already been cited. &nstead, itaddresses three basic 0uestions)

* 'hat is the basic thrust of a cognitive approach1 " /ow has the study of political psychology and cognition, and its application to foreign

policy, evolved1 2ost importantly, what would it take for there to be a new generation of scholarship1

This should provide the basis for clarifying and improving the foundation that political psychology, and in particular a cognitive approach, has for contributing to a better understandingof the dynamics of not only foreign policy, but also the larger study of world politics.

To be clear, there have been terrific advancements within political psychology and the study ofcognition over the years and the first two generations of scholarship%, together with increasedsophistication, but there is little evidence that 3 over the past decade 3 there has been much thathas been truly new or uni0ue, or different from previous scholarship. &t has now become a matureand established field, where much of the work of the third generation is not substantially differentfrom earlier scholarship and more classic works. 'hat once was a 4revolutionary science5 has

become increasingly 4normal science5 as Thomas 6uhn *78"% so powerfully explained in TheStructures of Scientific Revolutions . 'hile the assertion that much contemporary scholarship is4old wine 9or refined wine: in new bottles5 is controversial and provocative, hopefully it alsorecogni+es the great advances that have been made and will spur a thoughtful and constructivedialogue with respect to the 0uestion of where we go from here.

2ore specifically, the essay arrives at the following conclusions)

&t may be that the literature is simply getting to be overwhelming in 0uantity number of articles, chapters, books, diverse outlets, etc.%.

&t is probably increasingly difficult to be consistently 4creative,5 both within the samescholar over time, as well as across generali+ations. 2uch that may appear new may simply be 4fashionable,5 where scholarship has

become more precise sliced and diced1% and nuanced, where concepts and words 3 suchas 4framing5 3 change in popularity to give it the appearance of freshness and newness.

2aybe there should be a growing recognition that most findings do not result in simple, broad, and consistent generali+ations, and that we need to learn to live and work withscholarly contradictions that coexist as it does within the mind%.

&t may be time to move beyond the heavily state-centric and national security-centricnature of most scholarship 3 numerous of other types of actors have foreign policiesacross a variety of issue-areas, most obviously involving the international politicaleconomy and globali+ation.

&t may be an important time to pause and reflect on the considerable accumulation ofknowledge to become better aware of what we do and what we do not know, and engagein greater synthesis within political psychology as well as with other fields and levels ofanalysis, as 6enneth 'alt+ *7 $% originally understood in his true classic entitled Man,State & War .

ver 8# years and two generations of scholarship, the political psychological study of 4man5 isno longer scientifically undeveloped or underdeveloped% as it has been over the millennia and itneeds to become part of multi-level and multi-causal explanations of human and world politics.
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econd, an overview is provided as to how political

psychology, cognition, and the study of world politics has evolved as a theoretically orienteddiscipline over the course of basically two generations of scholarship. =inally, the essay discussesthe six elements that are believed to be necessary to provide the foundation for a new generationof scholarship.

"he Cogniti5e A##roach

< cognitive approach assumes a complex and realistic psychology about human reasoning anddecision-making see ?oulding *7 8 ; >imon *7 @ ; >nyder et al. *78" ; >teinbruner *7@$ ; /olsti*7@8; Aervis *7@8; Beorge *7C# ; Tetlock *77C %. 'here a rational process has tended to assumeindividual awareness, open-mindedness, and adaptability relative to the 4objective5 environment,

a cognitive approach posits that individuals tend to simplify and be much more closed-mindeddue to their beliefs and the way they process information; thus, they are not fully aware of, andare much less adaptable to, changes in the objective environment. < cognitive perspectiveemphasi+es the importance of examining the individuals involved within the policy-making

process, for they are likely to view their environment differently 3 to operate within their own4psychological environment5 see >prout and >prout *78 %. >uch a cognitive approach has grownin visibility, prominence, and sophistication since the *7 #s, as social scientists have attempted to

be more systematic in identifying and explaining major patterns of foreign policy.

&n fact, one may even speak of a cognitive paradigm 3 >teinbruner *7@$% and Tetlock *77C% suggest the term 4cognitivism.5 /uman beings and human thought are not simply random andidiosyncratic. /uman beings are creatures of habit, and general patterns exist in their images and

thought processes. < cognitive approach, as !obert Aervis *7@8 ) % has stated in Perception and Misperception in International Politics , assumes that 4perceptions of the world and of otheractors diverge from reality in patterns that we can detect and for reasons that we can understand.5teinbruner *7@$ )**"%. 4The mind reveals itself in all its activity asa mechanism for resolving ambiguity, as an inference machine which actively manipulates theinformation it receives5 >teinbruner *7@$ )7#%. r as stated by Aack >nyder *7@C) 8 %, whoapplied a cognitive approach to failures of deterrence during the Duban 2issile Drisis, 4Dognitive

theory argues that the mind craves certainty and will work to establish it even when it isunwarranted by objective conditions.5 The process of 4cognition5 3 the dynamics of the mind 3 produces the 4beliefs5 and constructs such as 4images5 and 4schemas5% that allow humans tomake sense of their environment.

'hile the rational paradigm has tended to assume a 4deep, conscious, thoughtful5 thinker, thereality is that much of the mental operations of the mind are relatively automatic and much moresubconscious. &n fact, not only is this a necessary cognitive trait, it is also a very efficient and

powerful way of efficiently processing information and making decisions. Dlearly, as one
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becomes more expert or skilled, the less one has to consciously 4think5 and the more one canoperate automatically and intuitively based on certain cognitive processes 3 such is the power ofthe mind >teinbruner *7@$ )7"3$%.

"he E5olution o6 Political Psychology, Cognition, and the Study o6 7orld

Politics&t was during the *7 #s, with the development of psychology as a discipline of study, that effortsto apply psychological and cognitive% approaches to the study of international relations 3 that is,to explicitly and systematically be informed by psychological theory and research 3 really began.Three periods of inquiry involving psychological approaches and their relevance to foreign policyand international relations have evolved)

an early and largely failed effort prior to the *7 #s; a first generation of scholarship beginning in the *7 #s; and a second generation of scholarship beginning in the *7@#s.

'ith each new period, the political psychological study of human beings and cognition has growntremendously in 0uantity and sophistication, impacting an understanding of the dynamics offoreign policy and world politics.

Ehilosophers and individuals throughout the ages have been interested in understanding the4enigma of the human mind.5 ?ut as /oward Bardner makes clear in The Mind s !ew Science" #

$istory of the %ognitive Revolution , it was not until the middle of the twentieth century thatcontributions from a variety of fields 3 especially philosophy, psychology, artificial intelligence,linguistics, anthropology, and neuroscience 3 produced a cognitive revolution and thedevelopment of a cognitive science.


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'here the first generation of scholarship which dominated the *7 #s and *78#s% depicted arelatively 4simple5 cognitive process based on people being consistency seekers, the secondgeneration of scholarship basically since the *7@#s% describes a much more 4sophisticated5cognitive process based on developments in cognitive psychology and social cognition, where thehuman being acts more as a naive scientist and, in particular, cognitive miser. Biven theinevitability of time lags when it comes to cross-disciplinary fertili+ation, the motivated tactician

perspective is only beginning to be felt within the study of foreign policy and world politics. < brief historical overview 3 broken down into three time periods reflecting the growingsophistication of the scholarship 3 should allow us to have a discourse on what would be the keycharacteristics for a new and third generation of scholarship see !osati "### ) see also 6elman*78 a ; Ge !ivera *78C ; 6nutson *7@ ; /olsti *7@8 ; /ermann *7@@; *7C8 ; =alkowski *7@7 ;/opple *7C" ; Geutsch *7C ; Tetlock and 2cBuire *7C ; 'hite *7C8 ; Hert+berger *77# ; Blad*77* ; >inger and /udson *77" ; !osati *77 %.

Early Syste$atic E66orts

Iarly efforts were made beginning in the *7 #s and continuing through the early *7 #s to employexplicitly psychological concepts so as to better understand the world of politics, especially thenature of war and peace. 2ost of this research focused on national stereotypes, attitudes towardwar, and public opinion on foreign policy issues. Jnfortunately, while most of these early effortswere made by scholars and individuals who were well-versed in psychology, they usually lackedan e0ually strong foundation in the study of international relations and world politics. This was

best exemplified by the work on individual irregularities and pathologies which were directly projected on to the nation-state, the 4war begins in the minds of men5 approach, and nationalcharacter studies of the war-proneness of different societies for an overview of this earlyliterature, see 6lineberg *7 # ; Eear *7 # ; 6elman *78 b %.

This well-intentioned effort by many psychologists to apply different psychological concepts andknowledge about the individual directly to the complex arena of the state and world politics wasnot well received by students of international relations see /olsti *7@8 )*73"8; Aervis *7@8) 3 *#%. 2ost international relations scholars found these studies were not realistic and believed thatthey were not relevant to the study of foreign policy and world politics.


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relations scholars became interested in making their field more empirical and scientific. Kowherewas this interaction greater than among those who advocated a decision-making approach to thestudy of foreign policy see >nyder et al. *78" %.

&n comparison to the early efforts by psychologists, the late *7 #s and *78#s represented the beginning of a 0ualitative leap forward for psychological and cognitive approaches to the study of international relations. Esychological approaches increasingly were applied from an internationalrelations and political perspective)

'ritings have shown increasing theoretical and methodological sophistication, with greaterawareness of the complexities one encounters in moving across different levels of analysis.


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surrounded by people and communications with which they sympathi+e. 4Iven when a politicalcommunicator breaks the barriers of low absolute exposure and de facto selectivity, he runs intoyet another and most formidable obstacle) resistance to change based on partisan evaluation ofinformation5 >ears and 'hitney *7@ )C%. &ncoming information typically gets interpreted inaccordance with an individualLs existing central beliefs and predispositions. ears*7C8c; =iske and Taylor *77* )73*$; "##@%.


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Gue to these developments in cognitive psychology, attitudinal research increasingly moved beyond the study of cognitive consistency to a more sophisticated study of attitudes andinformation processing now commonly referred to as social cognition . ears *7C8a)@%, 4>ocial cognition began to dominate the study of attitudes in social

psychology only by the late *7@#s, the central journal had incorporated the term by *7C#, and thefirst major textbook in the area had appeared by *7C$5 =iske and Taylor *7C$ %.

4The study of social cognition entails a fine-grained analysis of how people think aboutthemselves and others, and it leans heavily on the theory and method of cognitive psychology5=iske and Taylor *77* )"%. ?ut as =iske and Taylor *77* )*C% point out, cognitive psychology is

more concerned with individuals qua individual processing information 4about inanimate objectsand abstract concepts,5 whereas social psychology is more concerned with how individuals

process information 4about people and social experience5 as part of a larger social environment.Therefore, 4those who study social cognition must adapt the ideas of cognitive psychology5accordingly =iske and Taylor *77* )"#%. r as 2ilburn and ?illings *7@8 )***% state,4Esychologists have less to tell political scientists about political decision-making because themodel of decision-making used by most psychologists is so simple.5 Therefore, a 4cautionarynote is that although it is appropriate for political scientists to learn the latest findings andarguments of psychology, they should not be too 0uick to assume that older ideas are invalid5Aervis *7@8) "*%.

>ocial cognition theory assumes that individuals are not only active agents, but they tend to be4cognitive misers,5 who rely on existing beliefs and schemas for interpreting and processinginformation. Schema or schemas% refers to mental constructs that represent different clumps ofknowledge or comprehension% about various facets of the environment.


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psychology about the individual as naive scientist, nevertheless continued to represent analternative to the 4more rational views of human perception on the grounds that they are toocalculating, too precise5 Mau and >ears *7C8c ) 7%. The two major works, already discussed, by!obert Aervis *7@8% and Aohn >teinbruner *7@$% that were published in the *7@#s anticipatedmany of these developments in the area of social cognition and schemas theory, integrating theminto the contemporary study of foreign policy and world politics.

/ow do images and cognition matter1 /ow do they impact world politics1 The literature suggestsat least five +asic ways in which this occurs ) first, through the content of policy-maker beliefsfrom general to specific images%; second, through the organi+ation and structure of policy-maker

beliefs resulting in coherent versus fragmented images%; third, through common patterns of perception and misperception such as the tendency to categori+e and stereotype, simplify causalinferences, and use historical analogies%; fourth, through cognitive rigidity and flexibility and itsimpact for change and learning%; and, finally, through its impact on policy agenda-setting andframing, formulation and choice, behavior and implementation%. >ee Table * for an overview.%


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Gepending on personal experiences, the times, and major events ?ased on cognitive heuristics shortcuts%&H. Through cognitive rigidity and flexibility and its impact for change and learning% Dognitive consistency theory and coherent images% versus schema theory andfragmented images% &nstrumental and constrained learning most likelyH. Through impact on policy-making *


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the need to integrate cognition and motivation; greater sensitivity to context and multilevel explanations; the need to integrate individual cognition and policy-maker beliefs within political

decision-making; the need to communicate beyond the scholarly community and for policy relevance; and greater sensitivity to cognition across cultures.

This essay relies heavily on what are considered to be among the more significant works duringthe first and second generations of scholarship for an overview of the more contemporaryliterature, see /ill "## ; Dottam et al. "##$ ; ?reuning "##@ ; =iske and Taylor "##@ ; /udson"##@; /oughton "##C ; Keack "##C %.

Synthesi?e and Integrate &i66erent Cogniti5e "heories

The tendency over the years in systematically studying human cognition and beliefs has been tofocus on one predominant cognitive theory or explanation to the exclusion of others%, or to

present and test% multiple cognitive theories in a competitive format in order to find the 4best5

theoretical explanation. =or example, Geborah Marson *7C % , in her study of the development of policy-makersL Dold 'ar beliefs, set up a research design where she attempted to test five 4rival5theories of attitude change) the /ovland attitude change approach involving persuasivecommunications%, cognitive dissonance theory the classic cognitive consistency approach%,attribution theory, self-perception theory which makes the uni0ue argument that individual

beliefs are derived from observing oneLs own behavior%, and schema theory.

These, however, are not mutually exclusive cognitive theories. Gespite her best efforts throughoutthe book to demonstrate the prevalence of one theory of attitude change for each policy makerself-perception theory in particular%, she nonetheless concluded that 4Ko one social

psychological theory, then explains the origins of


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Mau and >ears *7C8c ) 7, 8 % have noted that 4the inability of information-processing theoriesto handle affect with as much sophistication as they offer for memory and perception is, however,the biggest shortcoming of political and social cognition 9N:. &t takes us into a realm for whichcognitive psychology5 does not appear to be 4well suited.5 =ortunately, as =iske and Taylor*77* )* % point out, views of the social thinker are coming full cycle, 4back to appreciating theimportance of motivation.5 &n fact, =iske and Taylor *77* )* % argue in their overview of socialcognition, that 4as the cognitive miser viewpoint has matured, the importance of motivations andemotions has again become evident. /aving developed considerable sophistication about peopleLscognitive processes, researchers are beginning to appreciate anew the interesting and importantinfluences of motivation on cognition.5 They believe that 4the emerging view of the social

perceiver, then, might best be termed the motivated tactician , a fully engaged thinker who hasmultiple cognitive strategies available and chooses among them based on goals, motives, andneeds. >ometimes the motivated tactician chooses wisely, in the interests of adaptability andaccuracy, and sometimes the motivated tactician chooses defensively, in the interests of speed orself-esteem.5 The motivated tactician perspective integrates the 4importance of motivation, butwith increased sophistication about cognitive structure and process.5

The first generation of scholarship in political psychology and attitudinal research recogni+ed,and integrated, the 4affective5 side of attitudes 3 beliefs involving likes and dislikes 3 as well asthe importance of motivation in the study of 4hot5 cognition see 2arkus and Fajonc *7C ; =iskeand Taylor *77* ; "##@; Iagly and Dhaiken *77 %. That the existence of enduring commitments 3highly intense beliefs 3 was a function of the needs that the beliefs fulfill was initially

populari+ed by psychoanalytic theorists such as =reud *7 #% , Masswell *7 #% , and =romm*7$*%, culminating in The #uthoritarian Personality


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a broad conceptuali+ation that included the integral role of personality, which, he argues, needs to be reintegrated in future research. Aanis and 2annLs *7@@% study of -ecision Ma'ing" # Psychological #nalysis of %onflict, %hoice, and %ommitment is a classic in this regard on the pervasiveness of 4defensive avoidance5 among decision makers, as is MebowLs *7C*% study ofhow the management of brinkmanship crises is heavily affected by both cognitive andmotivational characteristics of policy makers. !osati *7C@ ; *77# % explained the stability andchange of DarterLs, ?r+e+inskiLs, and HanceLs images over time by examining each individualLs

personality and the needs that their beliefs fulfilled through a 4functional approach5 to attitudinalchange 3 4that both attitude formation and change must be understood in terms of the needs theyserve and that as these motivational processes differ, so too will the conditions and techni0ues forattitude change5 6at+ *78# ;*8@) for more on a functional approach to attitudes which was

prominent during the first generation and its recent revival in social cognition, see >arnoff and6at+ *7 $ ; >mith et al. *7 8 ; >mith *7 C ; Tetlock and Mevi *7C" ; =iske and Taylor *77* ) # 3@;Iagly and Dhaiken *77 )$@737#; *77C%. =inally, studies of crises have noted that stressfulsituations are particularly likely to trigger psychic discomfort and motivated biases.

/opefully, as =iske and Taylor "##@ ; see also Drawford "### % concluded in their review of theliterature, the future will likely see the integration of cognitive and motivational explanations.2el Maucella "##$% provides a particularly powerful example of the cognitive3psychodynamicfoundation emphasi+ing upbringing and the developmental process inside and outside ofgovernment% for understanding >ecretary of >tate Dyrus HanceLs 'orldview. Mikewise, AeroldEostLs "## % edited volume has made some headway for better understanding ?ill Dlinton and>addam /ussein. Dlearly, efforts to explore the cognitive3affective3motivational nexus ofmotivated tacticians should be encouraged in order to more powerfully understand the humanmind and human behavior in foreign policy and world politics.

Conte4tual Sensiti5ity and Multile5el E4#lanations

&f a cognitive approach is to provide a powerful understanding of foreign policy, the scholar alsomust remain sensitive to the role of other causal factors 3 that is, non-psychological dynamics 3on the psychological predispositions of policy makers. This is especially important becauseduring the late *78#s and the *7@#s, political psychologists became increasingly speciali+ed andsystematic in their work in an effort to make a 4scientific5 contribution to knowledge, where thecontext and the larger environment were increasingly ignored and unexamined. uch a narrow perspective and speciali+ed focus, although necessary to the creation of newknowledge, makes psychological and cognitive studies vulnerable to the charge of reductionism and irrelevance to world politics see, e.g., =erguson and 2ansbach *7CC , esp. ch. @%. tein *7CC;=arnham *77@; "##$ ; /udson "##@ ; Keack "##C %.

=ortunately, a sensitivity to the need to integrate other relevant factors to better explain foreign policy within a cognitive perspective has grown over the years. Aervis *7@8%, for instance, reliedupon a 4two-step5 model in which perceptions and beliefs served as the 4proximate5 cause offoreign policy decision-making which was impacted by the role of bureaucracy, domestic
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determinants, and the international environment. Mikewise, Marson *7C ) "8% provided a4multilevel explanation5 in which 4theories at different levels of analysis 3 systemic, domestic

political, and individual cognitive processes 3 were applied to historical case material5 to providea rich explanation of the origins of


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teinbruner*7@$)@% has stated, 4&f an outcome of some conse0uence is being analy+ed 3 the outbreak of awar 9N: etc. 3 it is usually necessary to understand the interactions of a variety of men,institutions, and basic social forces. The decision process then assumes unusual importance

because it is through such a process that many of the various causal factors exert their influenceon an outcome.5 ?ut when do cognition and beliefs matter1 The literature on decision-makingand foreign policy suggests in three basic ways see >nyder et al. *78" ; tern and Herbeek *77C ; /ermann"##* %) *% through a predominant leader or policy maker; "% through shared images, or %through collective decision-making.

=irst, most scholars who have systematically studied the foreign policy perceptions and beliefs of political leaders from a cognitive perspective have tended to focus on one key leader, such as/olstiLs *78@% study of Aohn =oster Gulles or 'alkerLs *7@@% study of /enry 6issinger. Theassumption or argument has been that a key leader or policy maker tends to dominate, or haveultimate responsibility for, the policy-making process. =or example, according to 2orton/alperin *7@$ )*@%, in )ureaucratic Politics and .oreign Policy , 4the Eresident stands at thecenter of the foreign policy process in the Jnited >tates. /is role and influence over decisions are0ualitatively different from those of any other participant. &n any foreign policy decision widely

believed at the time to be important, the Eresident will almost always be the principal figuredetermining the general direction of actions.5 econd, sometimes the government, even the society, has been treated as a single actor 3 such asin the operational code of the >oviet politburo Meites *7 * ; Beorge *787 %, 'hiteLs *78C% general discussion of mirror images during a time of war, or /eradstveitLs *7@7% analysis of theuch an approach usually assumes the existence of shared images or thedevelopment of a political consensus among policy makers. 4'hen participants share a set ofglobal images, these will decisively shape stands taken on particular issues,5 according to 2orton/alperin *7@$ )**%. =or example, 4from the onset of the cold war until 0uite recently, a majorityof


16/26

=inally, foreign policy-making also involves multiple policy makers from multipleorgani+ations% 3 none of which may dominate 3 who may not share similar images or arrive atconsensus. The literature on +ureaucratic politics 3 emphasi+ing competing interests, coalition

building, and bargaining 3 highlights this perspective uch a perspective attempts to identify the4 prevailing image ,5 as well as competing images, within the collectivity see /errmann *7C ; !osati *7C@ )*@3"*%. nyder and Giesing *7@@ ) "8%, 4the operative values and

perceptions of the decision-making unit will depend on the balance of influence among itsconstituent members 9N:. &f one or two persons are in complete control, the operationalOinterestsP of the state will reflect their perspectives5 see Ge !ivera *78C ; ?em *7@# ; ?aron and?yrne *7C* ; Hert+berger *77# ; >ears et al. *77* ; Iagly and Dhaiken *77 ; Mevine and !esnick*77 ; =iske and Taylor *77*; "##@% .

2ore efforts along these lines are necessary in order to advance our understanding of the role ofindividual and collective images see, e.g., ?onham and >hapiro *7C" ; >hapiro et al. *7CC ;>chraeder *77$ ; 6aarbo *778 ; Lt /art et al. *77@%. The special issues on 4'hither the >tudy of?ureaucratic Eolitics5 >tern and Herbeek *77C% and 4Meaders, Broups, and Doalitions5/ermann "##*% are particularly important steps in the right direction. !ecent scholarship hastaken this research further, as in the work of Aean Barrison *777 ; "##* ; "##@% on policy framingand the inner circle of advisers.

&n sum, more studies need to identify the key individuals within the decision-making process,examine their images, and the dynamics between them so as to better understand the making andconduct of foreign policy. Yet, what Beorge *7C# )**% stated # years ago still applies) 4Gespiteadvances in relevant portions of theories of individual psychology, small group dynamics, andorgani+ational behavior, the linkage and synthesis of these three theories is still primitive.5 Thishas been particularly the case with regard to the collective nature of decision-making, as opposedto highlighting a predominant leader or a shared image orientation. ne must determine thedistribution of influence and authority among the players, the roles that they play in the process,and the intra-group dynamics.

Co$$unicate beyond the Scholarly Co$$unity and a5e PolicyRele5ance

moke and Beorge *7@ ; /icks et al. *7C" ; /erspring *77" ; Mepgold *77C%.


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and relevant to those involved and interested including students, observers, and the public% inforeign policy and world politics.


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over individuals and cultures than is the fantastically diverse content of those beliefs5>teinbruner *7@$ )*$%. Yet, as =iske and Taylor *77* )*@@% acknowledge, 4There are cultural

differences in schema use.5 =or example, in more traditional and non-'estern societies that tendto be less individualistic, people do not make trait attributions in the same way as in 'esternsociety see 2iller *7C$ ; 2arkus and 6itayama *77* ; /eradstveit and ?onham *778 %. Therefore,some variation in patterns of perception and cognitive dynamics across cultures and subcultures%occur, as one would expect see /udson *77@ ; =iske et al. *77C ; >ampson and /udson *777 %.

Dlearly, such variations in cognitive patterns across cultures need to be addressed if we are to better understand the dynamics of foreign policy throughout the world, especially beyond the J>and the 'est. ?ut this does not alter the fundamental reality that the human mind craves certaintyand actively provides meaning to the environment that makes sense to the individual, inaccordance with the cognitive paradigm. The paradigmatic assumption, supported byconsiderable empirical reality across cultures, is that human beings ac0uire cognitive structures of

beliefs which tend to remain stable through selective memory, perception, and causal inference.uch is the nature of human beings and theworkings of the human mind, which has a conse0uential impact on foreign policy and world

politics.

"he Future Study o6 Cognition and 7orld Politics

&t is time for international relations scholars to seriously examine and integrate a psychologicaland cognitive perspective within their work 3 to have theories be realistically grounded in therealities of the nature of human beings and the regulari+ed habits of the mind.


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relations only imperfectly, it may well be worth the additional effort to build variables aboutindividual decision-making into them.5

., and 6ringen, A.


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Drawford, K.D. "###% The Eassion of 'orld Eolitics) Eropositions on Imotion and Imotional!elationships. International Security "$% , **83 8.Ge !ivera, A., *78C% The Psychological -imension of .oreign Policy . Dolumbus, /) D.I.2errill.Geutsch, 2. *7C % 'hat is Eolitical Esychology1. International Social Science 2ournal % ,""*3 8.Gower, A. *7C@%War without Mercy" Race and Power in the Pacific War . Kew York) Eantheon.Iagly, . *77 % The Psychology of #ttitudes . Gallas) /arcourt ?raceAovanovich.Iagly, . *77C% tructure and =unction. &n G.T. Bilbert, >.T. =iske,and B. Mind+ey eds.%, The $and+oo' of Social Psychology . ?oston) 2cBraw-/ill, pp. "873 "".Irikson, I./. *7 #% %hildhood and Society . Kew York) '.'. Korton.=alkowski, M.>. ed.% *7@7% Psychological Models in International Politics . ?oulder, D )'estview Eress.=arnham, ?. *77@% Roosevelt and the Munich %risis" # Study of Psychological -ecision7Ma'ing .Erinceton, KA) Erinceton Jniversity Eress.=arnham, ?. "##$% &mpact of the Eolitical Dontext on =oreign Eolicy Gecision-2aking. Political

Psychology " % , $$*38 .=erguson, Y./., and 2ansbach, !.'. *7CC% The 1lusive 4uest" Theory and International

Politics . Dolumbia, >D) Jniversity of >outh Darolina Eress.=estinger, M. *7 @% # Theory of %ognitive -issonance . Ivanston, &M) !ow-Eeterson.=iske, >.T., and Taylor, >.I. *7C$% Social %ognition . Kew York) 2cBraw-/ill.=iske, >.T., and Taylor, >.I. *77*% Social %ognition, 8nd edn . Kew York) 2cBraw-/ill.=iske, >.T., and Taylor, >.I. "##@% Social %ognition" .rom )rains to %ulture . Kew York)2cBraw-/ill.=iske, ., 2arkus, /.!., and Kisbett, !.I. *77C% The Dultural 2atrix of >ocialEsychology. &n G.T. Bilbert, >.T. =iske, and B. Mind+ey eds.%, The $and+oo' of Social

Psychology . ?oston) 2cBraw-/ill, pp. 7* 3C*.=ox, '.T.!. *7C8% &solationism, &nternationalism, and 'orld Eolitics; 2y 2iddle 'estern!oots. International Studies !otes *"% , $3@.

=reud, >. *7 #% %ivili/ation and Its -iscontents . Mondon) /ogarth Eress.=romm, I. *7$*% 1scape from .reedom . Kew York) /olt, !inehart.Bardner, /. *7C % The Mind s !ew Science" # $istory of the %ognitive Revolution . Kew York)?asic ?ooks.Barrison, A.


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Blad, ?. *77*% Eolitical Esychology) 'here /ave 'e ?een1 'here tudies) hape =oreignEolicy ?ehavior. &n D.=. /ermann, D.'. 6egley Ar., and A.K. !osenau eds.%, !ew -irections inthe Study of .oreign Policy . ?oston) .2., Douloumbis, T.


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Aanis, &.M. *7C"%0roupthin' . ?oston) /oughton 2ifflin.Aanis, &.M., and 2ann, M. *7@@% -ecision Ma'ing" # Psychological #nalysis of %onflict, %hoice,and %ommitment . Kew York) =ree Eress.Aervis, !. *7@8% Perception and Misperception in International Politics . Erinceton, KA) ErincetonJniversity Eress.Aones, I.I. *77C% 2ajor Gevelopments in =ives Gecades of >ocial Esychology. &n G.T. Bilbert,>.T. =iske, and B. Mind+ey eds.%, The $and+oo' of Social Psychology , Hol. &% . ?oston)2cBraw-/ill, pp. 3 @.6aarbo, A. *778% Eower and &nfluence in =oreign Eolicy Gecision 2aking) The !ole of AuniorDoalition Eartners in Berman and &sraeli =oreign Eolicy. International Studies 4uarterly $#% ,#*3 #.6at+, G. *78#% The =unctional tudy of ocial >cience!esearch Douncil.6nutson, A.K. *7@ % $and+oo' of Political Psychology . >an =rancisco) Aossey-?ass.6rasner, >.G. *7@C% -efending the !ational Interest" Raw Materials Investments and 3ASA

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!osati, Aerel and Dolleen I. 2iller. SEolitical Esychology, Dognition, and =oreign Eolicy

Rosati.polpsych.isacompend.2010

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