ChaniotisGreatInscriptionGortyn-libre.pdf

8/10/2019 ChaniotisGreatInscriptionGortyn-libre.pdf

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riginalveroffentlichungin:E.Greco-M.Lombardo eds. ,La GrandeIscrizionedi Gortyna.Centoventiannidopola

scoperta

Attide lIConvegno Internazionale di StudisullaMessara,Athen2005,S. 175-194

THEGREATINSCRIPTION ITSPOLITICALAND

SO I LINSTITUTIONSANDTHECOMMON

INSTITUTIONSOFTHECRETANS

IS

THERESUCHASTHINGASCRETANNOMIMA METHODOLOGICALCON -

SIDERATIONS

IntheeighthandseventhcenturiesCretehadbeenoneofth emost

advancedregionsinGreece.TheCretansadoptedth ealphabetveryearly;

Cretanartistsplayedaleadingpartin thedevelopmentofGreekart espe-

ciallyinthefieldsofmetallurgyandstonesculpture;in theearlyseventh

centurytheyparticipatedin colonisation foundingGelatogetherwithth e

Rhodians;

th eHomerichymnto Apolloassociatesth eCretanswithth e

foundationofthesanctuaryatDelphi.Itisin thisperiodofcosmopoli-

tanismandclosecontactsto theOrient aperiodofavisibleadvanceof

trade

arts andculture thatCreteseemstopetrify.Fromthelateseventh

centuryonwardstradeandartsdonotdisappear buttheycertainlylostthe

innovativepowertheyhadhad;th eCretaninstitutionsdonotkeeppace

with

th edevelopmentsin th erestofGreece;andalthoughCretewasnever

isolatedfromth erestofGreece itscontactswithotherGreekareasinthe

sixthandfifthcenturieswerenotimpressive.ThedeclineofCreteasacul-

tural

pioneerinth eGreekworldgoeshandinhandwiththeriseof

its

fame

asamodeloflawandorder.TheCretansdid notanylongerproduce

impressive

worksof

art

buttheyproducedmorelegalinscriptionsthanthe

rest

ofGreecetakentogether.

1

Theageofinnovationwasfollowedbythe

ageofdelimitation;th eageofexperimentsbytheageofnormativityand

thepreventionofchange.ThequestionIaddressinthispaperissimple:

Can

w eregardCreteasahomogeneousareaoflegalpractices?

Long

beforeAristotletreatedCreteasanareawithasingleconstitu-

tional

order around4 0 0B.C.CharonofLampsakoshadwrittenawork

called

retik

inwhichhedescribedthelawsestablishedbyMinos.

2

There

aregoodreasonstosuspectthatthepositivepictureofMinosinthefourth

Seethecollectionsof

the

relevanttextscompiledbyKOERNER1993and

VAN

EFFENTERRE

RUZE

1994and1995.

rgrHist262T1.


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176

AngelosChaniotis

century,

but also the be lief in the ho m og en iety of Cretan institutions are

Charon'sinvention. From Charon'sKretikaonw ard s the perception and

presentation

o f Crete in our sources is characterized b y a fund am ental dis

crepancy:

the discrepancy betw een the hom ogen eity of Crete, wh ich is

underlined

b y the literary sources - especially the w ork s of the political

theorists

- , und the heterogeneity und erscored especially by our docu

mentary

sources.

Homogeneitysh ould in fact be rather surprising. A lread y theOdyssey

(19,175-177) describes Crete as an island occ upied by p opu lation s of dif

ferent

origins: the Pelasgians, the Eteocretans, the Dor ians, the Ach aians,

and

the Kyd onia ns; this heterogeneity of origins can be sup ported b y other

sources

(e.g., place and m on th nam es, Eteocretan inscriptions^. Fr om the

Iliad

on ward s Crete is kn ow n ashekatompolis,as the island with the h un

dredindep ende nt poleis. Divisio n, not unity, is the co m m on feature of

Cretan

history: the never ending w ars am ong the Cretan com mu nities, not

the

legendarysynkretismos(the alleged unification to de fend th e island

against

foreign enem ies)4.

Ifw e look for other evidence for the heterogeneity of the Cretans w e

willnot be disap poin ted. Th ere are no tw o Cretan cities with the same

calendar^

in other w or ds w ith the sam e festivals; there are no tw o

Cretan

cities wit h the sam e tribal subd ivisions

6

. W e find in Crete the

"Dorian"

tr ibes of the Hyl le is , the D ym ane s , and the Pam phy loi , but

never

all of the m in the same po lis . Perh aps this m ay be ex plain ed i f we

assumethat the D orian im mig rants came in smal l groups , poss ibly con

sisting

of mem bers of only one tribe , wh o then jo in ed populat ions of

other

origins.

Given

the different origin of the pop ulatio n, the polit ical fragm enta

tion

of Crete, and the end em ic war s on the is land , we should not be sur

prisedif w e fin d differences am on g the cit ies in cults , onom astics, trib

al

subd ivisions, and nam es of mag istracies. W e should be surprised i f

we

w ere to f ind the uni form ity which Plato and Aristot le underl ine wh en

they

refer to a Creta npoliteiaas co m m on constitutional order.

3See,e.g., VELL.PATERC. 1,1 (foundation ofthecities Mykenai, Tegea, Pergamon on Crete);

Schol.

adApoll.

Rhod.,

Argon.4,175 b (Achaia on Crete); TRUMPY 1997 ,196-197 (hetero

geneous

origin of the month names); DUHOUX

1982

(Eteocretan inscriptions); DUHOUX 1988

(heterogeneity

of dialects).

4

For the Cretan w ars see

WILLETTS

1955, 234-241; for the Hellenistic period see CHANIOTIS

2005a,9-12. For the notion of synkretismos seeCHANIOTIS,1996, 6-7.

5

For the Cretan month names see TRUMPY 1997,188-197.

6

On the Cretan tribes see most recently MANDALAKI 2004, 34 -4 ; see also JONES 1987,

219-231,who, however, does not include among the Cretan tribes the tribe Archeia (see

CHANIOTIS

1988 a, 159-160) and the tribe Lasynthioi (seeSEGL 937 and below).


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TheCommonInstitutionsof the Cretans

177

The

existence of such an order has already be en challenged , on goo d

grounds,b y Paula Perlm an in an article publish ed in 1992, in w hic h she

urged

not to accept the vie w s of the political theorists about a Cretan

politeiaw ithou t scrutiny of the doc um enta ry sources?. Perlman's study

stressedthe he terogen eity of Cretan institutions, e.g., w ith regard to the

designation

of the chief ma gistracy(kosmoiin m ost cities, butdemiour-

goi in Olous, Polyrhenia, Aptera, and Kydonia, andarchontesin Itanos

andPraisos), with regard to the num ber of thekosmoiof the Cretan

cities,w ith regard to the selection of thekosmoi(not necess arily from

onlya restricted nu m be r of fam ilies), and w ith regard to Aristotle's

claim

that the Cretan cit ies functione d with out w ritten laws. Perlm an's

study

has to a great extent discredited Aristo tle's vi ew on Crete's cons ti

tutionalu nity . Perlm an is certainly right in stressing the necessity of

criticallyreview ing Plato's and Aristotles' claims an d in paying m ore

attentionto the difference s betw een th e Cretan cities.

Onthe other han d, and despite all the differences whic h Perlm an has

observed,w e should not overlook the hom ogen eity in certain fun da

mentalissues:

-the preoccup ation wit h status,

-the focus on military training,

-the preservation of the com m on me als, the men's clubs(andreia),

andthe age classes,

-

the petrification o f Cretan social an d political institutions,

-an d the effort to delimitate th e rights and du ties of foreigners, arti

sans,w om en , and vario us categories of depen dent persons.

Itis not so importa nt wheth er Gor tyn ha d tenkosmoian d another

cityonly f ive. W ha t is far mor e impo rtant is the fact that where ver w e

findkosmoi and w e d o f ind the m in alm ost every city these off icials

representth e executive pow er, that the entire boa rd of the annually

electedkosmoibe longed to a single tribe an d that, consequ ently, they

mustha ve been m ilitary leaders of the tr ibes

8

. It is not so im port ant

thatw e fin d different designation s for the age-classes in the various

cities(ebion, anebos, anoros, apodromos, pentekaidekadromos,

peiskos,agelaosetc.)9, wh at is im port ant is the pre serv ation of age-

classes

until the late Hellen istic perio d as w e m ay infer from th e ephebic

7PERLMAN 1 99 2.

8

This can be inferred from the dating formula in Cretan inscriptions ( when the tribe NN

providedthe kosmoi ); e.g.,ICI, ix 1; IV181 ;SEGXXV I1 04 9; XL I 770; L 937. LINK 1994.

97-112,especially 101-103 ,108-111.

9BILE 198 8, 3 4 3 -3 4 4 an d 1992 ; TZIFOPOULOS 1998 ; cf . CHANIOTIS 199 6, 12 4- 12 6; COBETTO

GHIGGIA

1999.


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i

7

8

AngelosChaniotis

ritualsm entio ne d in Cretan inscriptions

10

. The se similarities are indee d

striking,the m or e so w he n w e take into consideration the political frag

mentationof Crete an d the lack of any hy per-p olis organisation earlier

than

the foun dat ion of the Cretan Ko inon in the early third century.

Evidencefor a Ko inon in earlier periods do es not exist

11

, and the only

hyper-polisorganisation w e m ay obse rve (or rather, assum e) are a few

regionalsanctuaries.

12

Theseobserv ations call for a stud y of the La w Cod e in the context of

early

Cretan n orm s not so mu ch in an effort to find, e.g., wh ethe r the

regulation

concerning adu ltery is fou nd in another Cretan legal doc um ent,

butrather in an effort to see wh ethe r the L aw C ode stem s from a particu

lar

tenden cy to structure a com m unity and from the nee d to face the same

challenges

as in other cities in a similar w ay .

Ishould no t leave the difficulties of such an undertaking un m entio ned .

Wek no w next to noth ing about the political situation in Go rtyn in the fifth

century.

Th e La w Co de does not define any of the social, econ om ic, legal,

and

political institutions, for whic h no rm s are introduc ed, mo dified , or just

writtendo wn ; itpresupposesthe un dersta ndin g of all these institutions,

andthis is w h y the interpretation o f term s a nd clauses is still a matter of

controversy.It does not explain wha t anoikeusand adoulosare; it does

notdefine theklarosor thepastas

1

^.T he seco nd difficulty is the rather

limitedmaterial be yon d Gortyn. O ur docum entary evidence for the sev

enth,sixth, and fifth centuries is predo m ina ntly Go rtynia n. R. Koerner's

collectionof early legal inscription s has 29 te xts from th e rest of Crete as

opposedto 4 8 from Go rtyn alone

x

4. In addition to this, mos t of the texts

foundin other cities are extrem ely fragm enta ry. For this reason w e should

notb e surprised if some terms, such askatakeimenos, antatas, kadestas,

andanpasis,are only attested in Gor tyn - or, rather, to put it mo re cau

tiously,som e terms arehithertoattested only in Gorty n. Th e publication of

new

material from other cities has repeatedly d em onstra ted that term s that

10

For the Cretan ephebic rituals see, in general, LEBESSI 1985,1991, and 2002; BILE 1992;

CAPDEVILLE199 5, 20 2- 21 4; LEITAO 1995; GEHRKE 1997, 31 -35; VATTUONE 1998 ; WALDNER

2000,222-242; CHANIOTIS 2005b. For the Hellenistic period see CHANIOTIS 1996,124-125,

129.For terms related to age classes in Hellenistic inscriptions see alsoICII, v 25 (Axos,

anebos)and II, xii 26 (Eleutherna,agelatai).

11

CHANIOTIS 19 96 ,3 0- 31 .

12

CHANIOTIS 20 05 b .

x

3See the very useful overview ofMAFFI2003 . Fordoulosandoikeussee most recently the

studiesofBRIXHE- BILE 1999, 93-97, LINK 2001 (with my critical remarks inSEGLI 1135),

andMANDALAKI 2004 , 69 -7 2. Forpastassee DUBOIS 1999,59-61; forklarossee below.

J

4

Gortyn; KOERNER 1993, nos. 116-162 (47 documents) and nos. 163-181 (the Law Code);

otherCretan cities: nos. 87-115.


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The Common Institutionsofthe Cretans 179

weonly k ne w from G ortyn , were in fact m ore wid ely distributed. Th e terms

amphimolosandamphimoleo,e.g., attested in a Go rtyn ian inscriptions

from the sixth century onw ards, are no w paralleled by the v erbanphimoleo

in

a n ew inscription o f Eleuthe rna. *5

Afinal introd uctor y rema rk: T h e early legal texts surviving from Crete

are

not w idely distributed in the entire island; they h ave b een fo un d in a

particularregion of central Crete, betw een D reros in the East and

Eleutherna

in the W est. T her e is a striking concentration o f texts in the

communities

aroun d and in the vicinity of Mt. Ida (Axo s, Eleutherna,

Gortyn,

Pha istos, and Prinias), wh ile the rest of the texts are concentrated

aroundLassithi (Datala, Dreros, Eltynia, and Lyttos), with Knossos in the

middle

betw een the tw o areas.

16

Th irty years ago one might hav e claimed

that

this concentration reflects the state of research an d the foc us on cen

tralCrete. How eve r, intensive research in east and west h ave n ot changed

the

picture in every w ay . Ther e are on ly a few early inscriptions in other

cities,but nones of them can be recognized as a legal do cum ent.^ W e have

either

to assume that in East and West Crete other materials than stone

wereu sed (e.g., bro nze tablets), or that for certain reason s there w as a

more

intensive occup ation with legislation and n orm s in central Crete. As

Iwill argue later, this distribution of the testimon ia m ay b e connected w ith

the

existence of two su pra -loc al sanctuaries, wh ich served as meeting

placesof th e elite in the Archaic p eriod, on M t. Ida and at Simi Viann ou.

This

distribution also rem inds us that Crete is not as unifor m in term s of

behavior,epigraphic habits, an d institutions as ancient philoso phe rs often

want

us to believe.

In

the first part of m y paper I will pro vid e som e exam ples of similarities

inthe legal voca bu lary a nd the institutions of th e Cretan cities not all the

Cretancities, but those from w hic h w e ha ve early material. In the second

partI will suggest that these similarities m ay n ot b e the result of a slow

evolution,

b ut of mu tual influence.

*5Gortyn:ICIV 57 (KOERNER 1993, n 142); IV 72 (KOERNER 1993. nos. 163,170,174,179)-

Eleutherna:TZIFOPOULOS 2004,155 n110ine 1: [&v]mn.oA,foi; line 4: [&vm uo]A,iovTi?).

16

Axos: JC II, v 1-12;SEGXXIII565 (cf. KOERNER 1993, nos. 101-108); Datala:SEGXXVTI

631;Dreros:SEGX V 564 (=SEGXXXIX 954); XXIII 530; KOERNER 1993, n 90;

Eleutherna:

ICII, xii 1-19;SEGXX III 571; XLI739~740; XLV1256? (KOERNER 1993, nos.

109-115);Eltynia:ICI, x 1-2 (cf. KOERNER 1993, n 94); Gortyn:IC TV1-49, 51-78,

80-140;

cf.SEGXLIX1221-1223; Knossos:IC

I,

viii 2 (KOERNER 1993, n 89); Lyttos:ICI,

xviii1-7;SEGX XXV 991 (cf. KOERNER 1993, nos. 8 7-8 8, 95-100); Phaistos:SEGXXXII

908,perhapsSEGXXIII556; Prinias:ICI,xxviii 7-8.

7

Hyrtakina:IC

II,

xv

1;

Kydonia:SEGXXVIII 746; XLIV

719 =

X LV

1305;

Lappa:IC

II,

xvi

1(cf.SEGXXXLX 970); Phalasarna:ICII, xix 1; Polyrhenia:SEGXLTV 733; Praisos:SEG

XLV

1336.


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i8o

Angelos

Chaniotis

THE

VOCABULARY OF THE CRETAN iN ST rru no Ns: CASES OF CONVERGENCE

The

military nature ofkosmos, startos, and klaros and its consequences

The

na m es of the chief magistrates arekosmoi,a wo rd that literally

means

the me n w ho set the army in array. Thekosmoiare attes ted in all

Cretan

cit ies f rom w hic h w e hav e ear ly ma ter ial (Axo s, Dreros,

Eleutherna,

E ltynia, Ly ttos, and Go rty n) an d in later inscriptions in all the

Cretan

cities. As w e kn ow from the later evidenc e, the Cretankosmoiwere

elected

every y ear fr om a different tribe.

18

Th is principle is found inva ri

ably

in every C retan city an d seem s to be one of the m ost striking similar

ities

in the political institutions of the Cre tan cities. This sim ilarity

becomesev en m ore striking if w e take into con sideration the fact that this

ruleseem s to be an inn ovatio n of the late Arc haic pe riod, and not an old

tradition.

O ne of the early Gortynian law s ( J C I V 121, sixth century) for

bids

the sam e person to occup y the office of thekosmosfor a secon d time

in

a period of three years: the sam e person should not bekosmoswithin

three

years (prion etion ton aton me kosm ein).If in the period in whic h

this

law w as issued a different tribe provid ed thekosmoievery ye ar, then

this

regulation w ou ld ha ve been obsolete. A person w ou ld hav e to wait for

three

or four years depe nding on the num ber of tribes to occup y the

same

office again a ny w ay . This inscription dem onstrates that the rotation

of

the tribes in the m agistracies w as introduced in the sixth century at the

earliest.

x

9 T he earliest Cretan legal docu m ent, the Drerian decree limiting

the

iteration in office (ca. 65 0- 60 0 B.C.) sho ws that as early as the seventh

centurythe Cretan cities we re concerne d w ith this issue.

20

A solution was

found

later. Wh at w e should kee p in min d is that exactly the sam e solu

tion,the rotation of tribes, w as a do pte d b y all Cretan cities. Th is requires

anexplanation.

In

G ortyn , this rule ha d already been adop ted earlier than the L aw

Code.

T he L aw C ode in column V refers to the year in which thekosmoiof

the

startoso f the Aithaleis unde r Kyllos w ere in office (col. V 5-6 ). This

importantpassa ge associates thekosmoiin office with a particularstar

tos.

The m eaning of the w ordstartosha s bee n disputed in research (see

below),bu t in this particular passag e there can b e little doub t thatstartos

designatesa subdivision of the ci tiz en -bo dy , in other wo rds a tribe. The

Aithaleis

are in fact attested as the nam e of a tribe in Dreros, G ortyn ,

18

See

above

n.

8 .

9

LINK 19 94 ,10 8.

2 0

KO ER NE R 1 9 9 3 , n 9 0 ; c f. K OE RN ER 1 9 8 7 , 4 5 1 -4 5 7 ; L IN K 1 9 9 4 . 1 0 7 -1 0 8 .


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The Common Institutions

of

the Cretans

181

Knossos,

and M alla;

21

and from the later evidence w e kn ow that every

year

thekosmoiw ere elected fr om a different tribe. Consequ ently, this

passagein the L aw Co de is the earliest eviden ce for the fact that the offi

cers(kosmoi)of subdivisons of the citizen-body (tribes), which w ere m il

itaryunits(startoi),rotated in the leadership of their com m unit y, a prin

ciplew hich is foun d, withou t any exception throughout Crete until the

end

of the Hellenistic period.

The

use of the termstartosas a designation of the subdivision s of the

community

22

has so m e consequences for our understanding of the mili

tary,

econ om ic, and social organization, but also for our unde rstanding of

theprocess of hom ogen eity in Crete. Let us consider for a m om en t these

implications.

First,

it is imp ortant to note that the termstartos/stratosas a designa

tion

of a subdivision o f the citi ze n- bo dy is not limited to Gor tyn . It is also

knownfro m Lyttos from an inscription of the Imperial period whic h con

cernsitself wit h the restoration o f old practices.

2

3

Thewo r dstartosis a local Cretan designa tion ofphyle/pyla,wh ich is

them ore w idely attested w ord for tribe;pylais also used in Crete.

2

4 The

tribalnam es Diph yloi and Pam phyloi, w hich are attested in Crete, imp ly

that

the original designation of the tr ibe wa sphyle,an d that

startos/stratosw as either introduced at some later p o in ts or that it desig

nateda particular section of the tribe. A plau sible assu mp tion is that the

pyla/phyla

denotes all the m em bers of the tribe, whilestratoso nly refers

tothe warriors among them .

26

This w ould easily explain wh y the Law Code

designates

the Aithaleis, wh o provided thekosmoiin that particular yea r,

asastartos.Th is term denotes the m em bers of the tribe's military assem

blythat elected its officers. In Greek cities tribes w ere conc eived as m ilitary

units,

as military catalogues and lists of casualties of tribesmen sho w.

The

implications stemming from the conception of the tribe as a mili

taryunit are far reaching. Let us consider the function o f the tribe /'pylain

theL aw Code . The regulations concerning thepatroiouchosin the seventh

21

MANDALAKI 2 00 4, 35 n. 8; cf. JONES 19 87 ,22 0- 22 1,2 23 -2 27 .

22

For

the

meaning of

startos/stratos

see

WILLETTS

1955,28 -29 (clan); LINK 1994,103 (the

warriorsofaphyle); cf. GUIZZI 1999, 279-280; MANDALAKI 2004, 38. BILE 1988,338 n. 69

left

the question open.

2

3

Lyttos:IC

I,

xviii

11;

cf. GUIZZI 1999.

^4WILLETTS 1955, 27; BILE 19 8 8, 34 3; MANDALAKI 20 0 4 ,3 7 -

^The evidence for the Diphyloi and Pamphyloi in JONES 1987, 221, 227-228 and

MANDALAKI2 004 ,35-37. It shouldbenotedthepylais attested in Gortyn alreadyinthe late

seventhcentury(ICTV19), earlier thanstartosorstartagetas.

2 6

LINK 19 94 ,10 2; GEHRKE 1 99 7,3 6 n. 6 0: MANDALAKI 2 0 04 ,3 3.


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182

Angelos

Chaniotis

andeighth colum ns s ho w a strong interest in marriage within th e same

tribe.

2

7If thepatroiouchoshas to m arry a m em ber of the same tribe - in

otherwo rds , if prop erty needs to rem ain with in the tribe - , this can only

mean

that me mb ership in a tribe wa s som eho w connected with property

rights,

i.e., with the po ssess ion of la nd . If there is such a strong interest in

keepingthe lan d property of the tribe intact by m aking the marriage

betweenthepatroiouchosand a tribe sm an obligatory, could it then b e that

the

Cretan tribes w ere no t only m ilitary units providing a certain num ber of

soldiers,b ut also territorial units ow ning a certain amo unt of lan d? Th is

questionunavoida bly leads us awa y from Gorty n and to the mountains of

Lassithi.A recent discovery b y Charalam bos Kritzas ma y point to the terri

torial

nature of the tribes.

28

A building inscription from th e sanctuary of

HermesKedrites in Sim i Vi an no u attests the Lyttian tribe of the

Lasynthioi.

2

?T he tribe of the Lasy nthioi derives its nam e from Lasyn thos,

theancient na m e of the high-plain of Lassithi, an d associates the tribe with

a

particular area. Of course on e shou ld be cautious an d not attempt far

reachingconclusions bas ed on a single text. W ha t this inscription sh ow s is

thatat least one tribe in at least on e city m ay h av e been a geographical unit.

Thehyp othes is that in Gor tyn , Lyttos, and pos sibly other cities the

tribes

w ere at the sam e tim e m ilitary and regional units, which occupied a

certainpart of the territory, is not yet pr ove n. But an interdepend ence

betweenland a nd warriors w ou ld b e anything but unique or surprising in

Greek

history; fro m the T hessalian reforms of Aleua s in the sixth century,

who

divided the lan d intoklaroiw hich w ere in possession of real or virtu

alfam ily groups obliged to contribute a certain num ber of cavalrym en,3 to

theHe llenisticklerouchoi?

1

the possession of lan d w as often connected

with

m ilitary obligations.

The

interdependence betw een land own ership and m ilitary obliga

tions

m ay b e the key for understanding the notion of theklarosin the

LawCod e (col. V 25-28). If a m an or w om a n die, if there be children, or

childrenfro m these, they shall ha ve the prop erty ; but if there be non e of

these,and there be brothe rs of the deceased , and children fr om the

brothers,

or children from these, they shall hav e the property ; but if there

2

7 I C I V

72 col. V I I 5 0 - 5 2 , VII I 8 - 3 3 (KOERNER 1993, n 174);

KARABELIAS

20 04 , 29 with n.

41,46-48 .

2 8

KRITZAS 2 0 0 0 ;SEGL 937.

2

9The Lasynthioi are also mentioned in another inscription of Lyttos, in which the name

hadoriginally been restored as HyaMnthioi (J C I, xviii 13;SEGL 933).

3

HELLY 1995, 27 9-3 28.

3

1

T he Ptolemaic klerouchoi: PREAUX 1939, 400 -4 03, 463 -477 ; UEBEL 1968; VAN T' DACK

1977;

the Seleukid klerouchoi: COHEN 1978,45-71-


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The Common Institutionsofthe Cretans

183

be

no ne o f these, but sisters of the deceased, an d children fro m these, or

childrenfr om the children, they shall ha ve the pro perty ; but if there be

noneof these, to who m soe ve r it belong s whe re there is property, these

shallreceive it. But, if there sh ou ld b e no relations, theklarosof the

house,wh oeve r they ma y be, these shall have the property (translated

byA . C. Merriam). If in Gortynklarosw as an undividable lan d unit

whichsupp orted a group of citizens (i.e., of warrio rs), then w e un de r

stand

w h y this clause stipulates that this group inhe rited the prope rty of

the

possessor of a plot wh o had die d with out an y other relatives. Claud e

Brixheand M oniq ue Bile hav e recently argued that in Gort yn lan d did

not

constitute private prop erty a nd d id not change hands;32 theklarosin

the

fifth colum n consisted of the desc enda nts of the original recipients of

alot. In her discussion of col. V 25 -28 A ikaterini M and alak i reached a

similarc on c lu si on ^ she has argued that at some point the territory of

Gortynw as divid ed into broa d territorial units, possibly for military pur

poses,as in Thessaly. These units wh ich w ere su bdivided into smaller

lots,we re assigned to families; wh en there w as no heir to the property of

afam ily, the prope rty passed over to the fam ilies that belonge d to the

same

unit.

Let

m e sum ma rize the complex argumen ts of this section of m y paper. I

have

tried to sho w that there m ay b e a connec tion betwe en six separate

phenomena:

-the military function of thekosmoiwh ich is suggested by the na m e of

thisoffice an d the ancient definitions;

-the election of thekosmoif rom separate tribes, a practice attested in

theL aw Co de a nd in later inscriptions all over Crete;

-

the m ilitary character of the tribal subd ivisions, w hic h is suggested by

the

namestartosin Gortyn and Ly ttos;

-the possibly regional character of the tribal subd ivisions, wh ich m ay b e

inferredfr om the nam e of the Lyttian tribe of the Lasynthioi;

-the releva nce of the tribe for inheritance, w hic h is attested in the clause

thatconcern the m arriage of thepatroiouchosin the Law C ode; and

-the interpretation of theklarosas an undividable lan d unit in the pos

sessiono f a group o f citizens.

Someof these eleme nts are foun d in G ort yn alone, others in Gorty n and

Lyttos.

Th is convergence alone cannot support the theory of com m on

Cretan

no m im a, but it shou ld be considered together with other evidence

for

peculiar institutions attested in m ore than one Cretan city.

3

2

BRIXHE - BILE 1999 ,10 8-1 15 .

33

MANDALAKI 200 0; cf. MANDALAKI 2 0 0 4 ,3 9 -4 0 ,1 4 4 -1 5 3.


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184

Angelos

Chaniotis

Convergencein the peculiar Cretan terminology of social and legal

institutions

Wem ay ob serve a convergence in several terms w hic h concern social

and

legal institutions, such as the position of foreigners and illegitimate

children,the organization of the citizen-b ody , and judicia ry practices.

Theexpressionallopoliatasis attested in Lytto s an d Eleutherna34

two

cities which otherwise have little in com m on . The w or dallopoliatas

literalymean s the one from another city ; the wo rdallopolia,in the

meaning

foreign territory'' is also used in the Law Co de (col. V I 47). W e

findagain an interesting converg ence in th e legal vocabu lary use d in

Gortyn,Lyttos, an d Eleutherna. It shou ld be noted that in Go rty n the

termallopoliatascoexists wit h the termxenos(foreigner),35 wh ich m ust

havea different me aning . I assum e thatxenosw as used to designate for

eigners

alread y living in anoth er city and subjec t to its norm s (cf. the

termxenia dika, xenios kosmos,andxenodokos),^

6

whereas theallopoli-

ataiw ere foreigners w h o we re not subject to legal protection or were not

theobject of interstate agreements; e.g., in Lyttos this term is used to

designatethe foreigners w h o wer e not we lcom e as residents.

A

convergenc e m ay also be obs erve d in the case of terms conne cted

withthe social organisation of the Cretan cities:hetaireiais directly or

indirectlyattested in the L aw C od e and other inscriptions of Gor tyn , but

alsoin Ax os , Dre ros , Malla , and in an ano nym ou s c ity near

Rethymnon,37apetairosin G ort yn a nd Knossos,38agelain Dreros,

Eleutherna,

a nd Eltynia,39andreia(the men's hou ses wh ere syssitia took

palce)in A xo s, Datala, Eltynia, and G ort yn , in later periods also in

Dreros,H ierap ytna, L yttos, and Priansos.40 A striking similarity is foun d

withregard to the designation of the youn g m en between twe nty and

thirtyyears, the group o f theneoiin Greece. In C rete, and o nly in Crete,

34

Lyttos:SEGX X X V 991; possibly to be restored inICI, xviii 2 line 5 and 3 B line 2.

Eleutherna:ICII, xii 3.

35Eleutherna:ICII,xii 4.

xeniadika:ICTV80; xenioskosmos:LINK 1994,47~ 48,106-108;xenodokos,in Gortyn:

IC TV13

(KOERNER 1993, n 120); in Thessaly: ZELNICK-ABRAMOVITZ 2000.

37Axos:SEGXXI II 566 line 17; Dreros:ICI, ix 1;SEGX XI II 530; Gortyn:ICTV42 , 72;

Malla:ICI, xix 3 A line 41; unknown city near Rethymnon:SEGX XVI II 753; BILE 1988,

52-53n 49.

38

Knossos: BILE 19 88 ,54 -55 n 52. Gortyn:IC

TV72

col. II;IC

TV

84.

39Dreros:ICI , ix 1; Eleutherna:ICII,xii 26; Eltynia:ICI,x 2.

40

Axos:ICII, v

1

and 25 A ; Datala:SEGXXVI 631; Dreros:ICI, ix 1; Eltynia:ICI, x 2;

Gortyn:

IC IV 4; Hierapytna and Priansos:ICIII, iii 4. On the andreia see LAVRENCIC 1988.

Forthe possible identification of a building as anandreionseeHAGGISet alii 2004.


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The Common Institutionsofthe Cretans 185

these

p erson s are designated asdromeis(in Archaic Crete, in Eleuth em a

and

Gortyn).4i

Withregard to legal statuses w e find the ter maphamia,wh ich desig

natesa particular group of unfree p ersons, not o nly in th e literary sources

(aphamiotai),but also in EleuthenuH*

m

w e s t Crete and centuries later in

Hierapytnain E ast Crete.43 The te rmpastas(owner) is foun d in Axos ,

Knossos,a nd Gortyn;44 theoikeisof Gorty n and Lyttos perhaps corre

spondtooiketeiain Eleutherna and Lato.45

The

L aw Cod e treats in the fourth colu m n the legal status of the off

springof m ixed m arriages betwe en free and unfree. Th e children born in

matrilocalm ixed marriages, i .e., wh en the serf lived w ith a free w om an ,

were

regarded free. W e do no t hav e direct eviden ce fro m other cities for

thisprinciple, but it is indirectly confirm ed throu gh the existence of a large

numberof so-called metro nym ics, i.e., person s w ho are not identified b y

the

n am e of their father, but b y the na m e of their mother.46 Thes e

metronymics,used by persons born out of wedlock w h o ow ed their free sta

tusto their mothers, are found in Gortyn, Eleutherna, Chersonsesos,

Kydonia,

Sybritos, a nd Soulia.

Ifw e m ov e to the area of judic iary practices, on e notes the use of the

raretermhomomotai(those w ho tak e an oath together with one of the pa r

ties

to a dispute, his supporters) in Ly ttos (9 8) and in G orty n (117),

47

and

thetermsanatosorapatos(free of charge) in Eltynia, Go rtyn , and

Eleutherna.48A series of com posita w ithmolos(battle), are used w ith

regard

to lawsuits:antimolos( adversary , in Axo s and in the La w Code),

anchemolia(lawsuit on beh alf of a close relative, in the La w C ode a nd in

Eleutherna),antimolia(lawsuit, in Gortyn),amphimoleoin Gortyn , and

moleo

in G ort yn , Lato a nd Eleutherna.49 In this context I should also point

tothe p ractice of letting thekosmoidecide the outcome of a lawsuit upon

4

1

TZIFOPOULOS 1 99 8.

42/CII,xiii6Ab.

43SEG X X V I 1 0 4 9 line 72 (CHANIOTIS 1996, n 59).

44Axos:JCII, v2;Knosos:ICI,viii5B.

45

Eleutherna and Lato:ICI, xvi 17 (CHANIOTIS 1996, n 37); Gortyn: see n. 13; Lyttos:

KOERNER1993. 98.

46 CHANIOTIS2002.

47

Go rty n: KOERNER 1993. n 117; L ytto s: KOERNER 1 993, n 98 .

48Eleutherna:ICII,xii11.Eltynia:ICI,x 2; Gortyn:ICIV41col. V 6. The many Cretan

compositaofapo(e.g.,apokosmos, apetairos, apodromos, apatos, apagelos)revealacom

monway in constructing new terms (for these terms see BILE 1988, 274). But such com

positaare not exclusively attested inCrete. See VELIGIANNI2001, 26-30.

49

BILE 19 88, 351 .


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186

AngelosChaniotis

oathin Eltynia(gignoskein omnyntas)and in Gortyn(omnynta krinein

.5

This

similarity in the legal voc abu lary o f several Cretan cities m ay b e the

resultof a mu tual influence, e.g. the impa ct of written contracts or of the

exchange

of docu m ents . Such a converg ence, taken b y itself, shou ld not be

overestimated.W he n, how eve r, it is considered together with the evidence

concerningco m m on structures, it becom es m ore significant.

THE

STRUCTURE OF CRETAN INSTITUTIONS: CASES OF CONVERGENCE

I

conclude this survey b y pointing to som e co m m on features in the sur

viving

fragm ents o f Arc haic and e arly Classical legislation in Crete. A t first

sight,the La w Co de stands out wit h its regulations whic h concern subjects

thatare not treated in other early legal texts, such as the ow ne rship of

slaves,

rape, adulte ry, divorce, illegitimate children, inheritance, mix ed

marriages,thepatroiouchos,trade, donations, and a d op ti on s Th e earlier

fragments

fr om Go rtyn treat other subjects, such as loans, mortgage ,

funerals,the use of w ate r ressources, purifications, freedm en, etc.5

2

With

respect

to subject matter there is hard ly any converg ence bet we en the leg

islationin G orty n an d that o f other cities, or betwe en other Cretan cities.

And

yet, there are a fe w subjects that are treated in mo re than on e city,

namelyrestrictions wit h regard to iteration in office (Dreros an d G orty n,

seenotes 19 a nd 2 0), restrictions w ith regard to foreigners (Lyttos an d pos

siblyEleutherna),53 a nd reg ulations concerning artisans (Axo s, Datala,

Eleutherna,an d Gortyn).54 W e m ay also still detect som e co m m on features

in

the aims of the norm s.

A

first co m m on feature is the clear preoccupa tion with status an d with

thenorm ative delim itation of the rights and privileges of persons or

groupsof perso ns of a particular status. Alth oug h the surviving texts do

notdefine statuses, we co ntinually ob serv e an effort to consolida te the

existinglines and to introduc e clear-cut nor m s that determ ine the lives

ofind ividu als de pen ding on their status (artisans, foreigners, slaves, ille

gitimatechild ren). T he clearest eviden ce for the importa nce of status in

50Eltynia:ICI,x 2; Gortyn:ICIV 41and 72.

5

1

See the summary by LEVY 2000.

5

2

See the systematic survey in KOERNER 1993,364-454 nos. 116-162.

53Lyttos:SEGXXXV 991A = KOERNER 1993, n 87. Eleutherna:ICII, xii 3-4 = KOERNER

1993,nos. 109-110.

54Axos:ICII,v1 =KOERNER 1993, n 101; BILE 1988,36-37 n 27. Datala:SEGXXVII631;

BILE1988, 3 7-40 n 28. Eleutherna:ICII, xii 9. Gortyn:ICTV79 = KOERNER 1993, n 154.

See

the systematic discussion by

VAN

EFFENTERRE 1979.


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187

theL aw C od e is pro vided by the fines, wh ich va ry depend ing on the legal

position

of th e vic tim an d the culprit.55

Thisis not the p lace to treat this matter system atically; the regulations

concerning

foreigners m ay serv e as a characteristic exa mp le. Th e best

knownd ocu me nt is a Lytt ian decree of the late sixth century w hich for

bidsthe acceptance of foreigners(allopoliatai),except for dependen t

persons possib ly prisoners of w ar or captives of raids and except for

theItanians.56 Hen ri and M ade leine v an Effen terre regarded this decree

asevidence ofxenelasia,57Reinhard Koerner suspected a restriction with

regardto th e participation in cults (see note 56), bu t there is noth ing in

thistext that suppo rts his assu m ption . W e are clearly dealing with a

restrictionof the presen ce of foreigners in the territory of Lyttos. Such

regulationsw ere not l imited to Lyttos. As w e have already seen, the same

term,allopoliatas,is used in a small fragm ent in Eleutherna;58 another

fragmentary

text in Eleuther na deals withxenoi.w W e should associate

thesereferences to no rm s concerning foreigners also wit h the fun ction of

thexenodokosin Gor tyn.

6 0

A gain , the context in wh ich this w or d is used

is

fragm entary , but the function of thexenodokoiis better kn ow n from

Thessaly.A s R. Zeln ick-Ab ram ovitz has recently dem onstrated , this term

originally

designated person s w h o received foreigners, protected them ,

andme diated be tween th em an d the authorit ies;

61

in this respec t, their

rolew as similar to that of theprostataiof metics. The word retained its

originalm ean ing even after it acquired the addit ional mean ing of 'wit

ness';later, thexenodokoiwitn essed transactions ma de b y their pol is

withforeigners. Th exenioi kosmoiin Gorty n

6 2

shou ld also be adde d to

theefforts of Cretan cities to regulate the relations be twe en citizens and

foreigners.

The

introduction of rules means the clear definition of rights and privi

leges,

the strict control of the life a nd the activities of pe rson s o f a particu

lar

status. Th e foreigners were not the on ly group of such persons, who se

presence

in Cretan cities had to be regulated an d controlled. Th e second

group

wer e the freedm en, w h o in Go rtyn w ere obliged to live in a particu-

55KOERNER 19 93 .4 66 -4 67 (zuICIV 72col. II1-1 5).

5

6

KOERNER 199 3, n 87 .

57V AN EFFENTERRE - VAN EFFENTERRE 1 98 5, 17 9.

58KOERNER 199 3, n 109 .

59KOERNER 199 3, n 110.

6 0

KOERNER 199 3, n 120 .

61

ZELNICK-ABRAMOVITZ 20 00 .

6 2

KOERNER 19 93 , n 121.


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188

AngelosChaniotis

lar

area;

6

31 suspect that sim ilar regulations existed also in Eleutherna.

6

4 A

third

group wer e those wh o contributed to the welfare of the com m unity

notw ith their m ilitary skills, but w ith their skills in handicrafts a nd arts.

Wehave regulations concerning craftsmen in Datala (the famous decree

forthe scribe Spensitheos), Axo s, Eleutherna, and G ortyn. T o the four texts

studiedby H enri va n Effenterre in his im portant article concerning the sta

tusof dependen t craftsmen in archaic Greece (see note 54), we m ay n ow

addan inscription from Eleutherna concerning askyteus,a work er of

leather,

possibly in connection with the making o f armam ents.

6

5

Finally,an interest in the pres ervation o f status ma y b e detected in the

Law

Co de in the regulation wh ich obliges the father to give during his life

timehis share of the property to a son, if the son has been con dem ned to a

fine.

66

In this w ay the cond em ned m an w as able to pay the fine and retain

freedoman d citizenship.

CRETANSANCTUARIES AS MEETING PLACES OF THE ELITE AND THE CON

VERGENCEOF CRETAN NOMIMA

Inthe first part of m y pape r I ha ve tried to dem onstra te that despite all

the

differences betw een th e institutions of the Cretan cities, whi ch sho uld

beexpec ted given the different origins of the popula tion an d the political

fragmentationo f Crete, w e still fin d similarities in the u se o f a particular

Cretan

voca bula ry, but also in the preoccu pation w ith particular issues. Of

coursegeneralisations should be a void ed. Th ere are offices that are attest

ed

on ly in a single city, such as theorphanodikastaiin Gortyn

6

7 or the

damioiand theikati hoi tas poliosonly in Dreros.

68

W e cannot claim that

therewa s a com m on Cretanpoliteiaor a com m on Cretan law.

Nevertheless,

there are certain similarities, w hic h call for an explan ation.

Itis not nece ssary to think of a M in oa n origin of the Cretan institutions, as

Madeleinean d Hen ri va n Effenterre suggested a few years ago, bas ed on

the

similarity betw een a law of Eleutherna limiting the consu mp tion of

6

3 IC

TV78; KOERNER

1993,

n

153.

T he interpretation of this text by

VAN EFFENTERRE

- RUZE

1994.72-75n16,has not found anyfollowers.SeeCHANIOTIS1996,162-163 with n. 1039;

PERLMAN1996 ,254; P.GAUTHIER,Bull, Epigr.1995, 9; PETZL 1997,6 15 n 16.

6

4 CHANIOTIS1996,162-163,406 (with regard totheArtemitai).

6

5SEGXLI740. Fortheinterpretation ofthistext seeCHANIOTIS 1995,51with nn.71and 73

{SEGXLV1257)

and 1999.207.

66

ICIV72col. IV 2 8 - 3 0 (KOERNER 1993, n 169).

6

7ICIV 72 col.XII7 and 11.

6 8

KOERNER 19 93, n 90 .


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The Common Institutions

of

the Cretans

189

wine

an d a similar law allegedly introdu ced by Minos.

6

^ Som e of the simi

laritiesm ay b e the result of a slow pro cess of interaction betw een the

Cretan

cities. But I wo u ld like to suggest anoth er poss ibility, especially

given

the fact that be yo nd the differences in the designation o f offices or

details

of legislation the political an d social structure of the C retan cities

seems

unifo rm : citizenship w as lim ited to a small group of warrio rs, the

common

m eals and the men's houses retained their importance, econ omic

activities

we re primarily based on the existence of a depende nt populatio n

ofvarious statuses.

Thisu niform ity in the basic features of the political and social institu

tions

presup poses conflicts and nego tiations, exchange of inform ation and

experiences.

T he large regional sanctuaries, such as the sanctuary o f

HermesKedritres in Sim i or the Idaea n C ave , precisely in the areas in

whichearly law s survive, served in this perio d as me eting points of m em

bersof the elite, w h o participated in the cult or fulfilled initiatory rite sjo

The

case of the Idaea n Ca ve is of particular interest, since the literary

sources

stress its importa nce as an early Cretan cult place. Eve n thoug h w e

can

de term ine the exact legal status of this sanctuary, there is no dou bt that

it

served as a su pra -loc al sanctuary. T he ea rly finds suggest that a large

part

of the worsh ippe rs ha d the warrio r status. In addition to the famo us

bronze

shields foun d in 1886, the recent excavations b y Ja nn is Sakellarakis

have

brought to l ight a small num ber of weapo ns, ar ro w- he ad s which of

course

m ay b e the result of hunting activities and not ded ications , and

gold

sheet wit h representations of warriors.?

1

Th e mos t important f ind in

this

context is a closed gro up o f seven i vor y seals of the late eighth century

witha un ique ic onog raphy, hithe rto attested on ly in this sanctuary.72 Th e

representation

follow s the same pattern: a m an w ith a helmet a nd a horse,

accompanied

w ith a dog or a bird. T he he lme t characterizes the m an as a

warrior,

the h orse alludes to his high social position. E pho ros refers to a

boardofhippeis(riders) in the Creta n cities;73 this inform atio n cann ot b e

confirmed

b y the docum ent ary sources, but it is paralleled by the repre

sentation

of riders in early Cretan art,74 and b y the po pula rity of nam es

6

9V AN EFFENTERRE - VA N EFFENTERRE 19 95.

7CHANIOTIS 1988; I have substantially revised the views expressed in this article in later

studies,

adding further material; see especially

CHANIOTIS

2005 b. See also

SPORN

2002,85-

89

(Simi V iannou), 218-223 (Idaean Cave).

7

1

SAKELLARAKIS 1985 ,2 7 f ig. 6 SAKELLARAKIS 1988 ,17 7-1 81 .

72SAKELLARAKIS 1 98 7, 2 5 1- 25 2 fig. 11; cf. SAKELLARAKIS 198 5, 3 0 fig. 10 a n d SAKELLARAKIS

1988,174

n. 17.

73

FrgrHist70 G 145 (= STRAB. 10,4,18 (C 481-482).

74E.g. , D'ACUNTO 1995.


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190

Angelos

Chaniotis

composed

with the word-hipposin Cretan onom asticsJ5 Th e standard

izediconog raphy suggests that w e are dealing with a stand ardized ty pe of

dedication,in other wor ds , with a ritual reserved to the m em bers of the

militaryclass of Cretan com mu nities.

TheIdaean Cave wa s a meeting place of worshippers from various com

munities,am on g the m also the me m ber s of the elite. Sanctuaries such as

that

of Herm es in Simi Vian nou a nd the cave of Zeus on M t. Ida, compara

bleto the great Panh ellenic sanctuaries of ma inlan d Greece, ma y hav e been

theplaces in wh ich the exchange of inform ation and experience to ok place

andthe elite dev elop ed c om m on strategies in order to face the challenges

ofan inn ovative and revolutionary age. Th e legends about Epim enides

associate

him with one of these sanctuaries (the Ideaean Cave), make him

an

advisor of Solon , an author of w ork s about the Cretan constitution, and

anauthor of letters addressed to Solon in w hic h he described the law s of

Minos.76N on e of these legends can be taken at face value, but they m ay

reflectm em ories of sacred meeting places, where legal norms we re dis

cussed

and developed.

Such

an interaction m ay exp lain the similarities I ha ve described in this

paper.A n d yet each com m un ity dealt with the particular issues separately.

TheL aw Co de o f Gor tyn is certainly not the result of a unifor m legislative

processin Crete, but o ne of the last responses of the Gorty nian s to the

socialchallenges of the Arch aic age.

AngelosChaniotis

(Heidelberg)

REFERENCES

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tionald e M ontp ellier, 11-14 avril 1991), Mon tpellie r, 11-18.

CHANIOTIS 1991,100 with n. 41, with further evidence for horse breading in Crete.

?

6

See the collection of fragments and testimonia inFrgrHist

457.

Idaean Cave: T 4f (with

app.crit.); Solon: T1(DIOG. LAERT. 1,112) and T 4b (PLOT.,Solon12);Peritesen Kretei

politeias:T 1 (DIOG. LAERT. 1,112); the laws ofMinos:T 1 (DIOG. LAERT. 1,112).


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